South African Communist Party congress

Speech to the Sacp Special National Congress by Zwelinzima Vavi, General Secretary of the Congress of South African Trade Unions

11 December 2009, Polokwane

General Secretary comrade Blade Nzimande
National Chairperson comrade Gwede Mantashe
Members of the Politburo and Central Committee of the South African Communist Party;
Leaders of the African National Congress
Distinguished guests;
Delegates, comrades and friends;

It is always an extra special honour to be invited to address a National Congress of our great ally, the South African Communist Party. The SACP, the ANC and the trade union movement have fought together in the trenches of the class, national and gender war for many years. We have always held a very special affection and respect for each other. Indeed we share many members, and of course share many values, principles and policies.

Somebody once said, referring to communists, “by their action ye shall see them.” The speaker was of course talking about the high level of principled commitment to revolutionary action and high ethical standing of communists. The Party makes us proud as the South African working class. The unremitting commitment of the SACP to the ideal of socialism and its pioneering work in non-racial politics and practice remains a valuable contribution of communists. By hoisting the Red Flag high during this period where many have lost their ideological bearing inspires the South African and global working class and progressive movement. This congress must take the SACP to new heights rather than be paralysed by short-term internal conflicts.

It is trite to say that this congress takes place at an opportune moment in our ongoing struggle for fundamental change. The symbolism of hosting this Congress in the same venue that ushered a new regime and spirit in the ANC two years ago should not be lost. This moment thus serve as a midterm review of the outcome and developments not only for the SACP but also of the historic 52nd Congress of the ANC. Congress faces the challenge to conduct a dispassionate analysis of the post Polokwane moment. Suffice to say that a new mood and spirit of cooperation is evident in the ANC and the Alliance. Still, we have witnessed the beginnings of the unraveling of the unity of the forces that made Polokwane happen.

Comrades, we confront the challenge to understand the underlying reasons for this apparent rupture, it’s ideological, national and class character. Unity of the movement is a sacred objective that we should spare no energy to preserve and nurture. However, it is not unity for its own sake but to unite a broad range of forces to attain the goals of our struggle for fundamental change. Nobody said it was going to be easy! It will be folly to now abandon the ANC when we are confronted by contradictions.

We persevered during the most difficult time in the post 1994 era, why should we give up now! The broad ANC members voted for accelerated transformation and democratisation of the movement. Leaving the ANC because we are upset by some problematic pronouncements from a minority is a betrayal of these masses that voted for fundamental transformation of society. Still, it is also false to argue that common ground cannot be established with many of these comrades since there are no principled disagreements about restoring the NDR to its basic goals of eliminating national, class and gender oppression. Our responsibility is to broaden the front of the forces who want genuine change whilst recognising that there is a tiny minority that only mouth empty rhetoric about change but whose agenda is to use the movement and positions for narrow accumulation and personal wealth.

In COSATU there is a popular saying that state, “you cannot win at the table what you did not win on the streets.” This means we must intensify the struggle at all fronts and participate fully in the structures of our democratic movement. Further, it means we have to defend the post Polokwane gains and ensure their realisation. As our recent history has shown progress results from collective action and a programme rather than an individual messiah. All in all comrades I am urging that we should resist the temptation to become paranoid and see enemies everywhere. If we give in to this temptation then we shall fail to grasp the opportunities now on and by extension fail to offer leadership.

In this regard we must defend the ANC as the embodiment of the desires of our people for united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic South Africa. The ANC belongs to our people and not a section or a group of distinguished leaders. The best defense of the character of the ANC is to ensure that the branches are fully empowered to participate in the structures of the movement and to hold leadership accountable. As a popular freedom song says “amandla ase masebeni”.

In the second instance, the Congress takes place a few months after the renewal of the ANC’s mandate to rule this country for the next five years. It is important that we grasp the lessons of the 2009 General Election, in terms of our strengths and weaknesses. We know that the opposition benches have been reconfigured with the emergence of COPE, which has eclipsed the IFP as the second biggest opposition party.

Further, for the first time in post 1994 era the Western Cape has been won by the DA through an outright majority, a peculiar outcome indeed! Voter turnout increased together with numbers of the people who voted ANC, but the ANC’s fell short of straight two-thirds majority and in some provinces our overall majority was trimmed down. I emphasise these challenges not because we did not mount a spectacular campaign but to call on us to pay special attention to these lurking dangers. Democracy is a contest of ideas and you cannot take mass support for granted. Let us use this opportunity to attend to our organisation, political and governance weaknesses.

Many are surprised why immediately after the election South Africa was engulfed by a wave of strikes and social protests in working class communities. Does this mean our people are confused – vote the ANC and immediately thereafter demonstrate lack of trust for the rulers. An easy explanation is to suggest that this is the work of disgruntled elements or agent provocateurs. In some cases this might be true, but to attribute all strikes and protest to problematic individuals is a superficial understanding of what is happening. Moreover it implies that the solution is to arrest these individuals and all shall be fine. This securocratic response illustrate that we may be out of touch with the reality of our constituency.

Rising levels of crime, xenophobia, social protests and strikes are many manifestations of our peoples’ reaction to the neo-liberal squeeze. The adoption of conservative macroeconomic policies at a time when there was a huge backlog of service delivery and under-development resulted in commodification of basic needs, rising unemployment and general increase in insecurity in the household and the workplace. In fact, it seems like our policies are similar to driving the sea with a teaspoon or filling a leaking bucket.

On the other end, it is not lack of delivery that is the trigger of community protests. On the contrary, visible delivery demonstrates to the people that something is happening but when will I benefit? In addition the peoples’ patience is running thin as their relative deprivation is deepening. When a person you grew up next to suddenly drives the latest models and lives in leafy suburbs this is bound to increase anger. What is even worse is that this society does not reward hard work and effort. There are many examples of superrich individuals who have never worked a single day in their life begging the question where does the wealth come from? Are we then surprised by the many ‘get rich quick schemes’ and the ‘grab what you can whilst you can’ mentality in our organisations and society? Where will this all end? This is what informs statements like I did not struggle to be poor, forgetting the struggle was not about self enrichment but mass empowerment.

Black people in South Africa are further incensed by the percolation of wealth and opportunities among a minority of white (mostly males). Given, a few blacks have joined the super-rich but this does not change the basic fact that white power remains firmly entrenched so many years after the democratic breakthrough. Our people ask, was reconciliation worth it if we remain unemployed and leaving in poverty. In this regard gestures that imposes one-sided reconciliation smack of intellectual arrogance and opportunism. Why is it always the victims that must show magnanimity when the perpetrators do not even show remorse?

Thirdly comrades, this Congress comes in the aftermath of the highly successful COSATU tenth congress. The recent COSATU CEC agreed that this was indeed a remarkable show of unity, strength and political maturity. A report assessing the outcome of the Congress has been issued and I invite comrades to engage it. I believe we can all agree that the Congress raised the bar on theoretical, political and strategic debates. This escaped the mass media and the chattering classes who focused narrowly on a distorted debate on the Green Paper on National Planning. Clearly political education is lacking among many of the current crop of journalists. Please the Party must have a programme to improve political education among our journalists so that they can appreciate the depth of our analysis rather than focus on platitudes and sensational stuff.

Against this background I want to say I agree with the Party when it asks why after fifteen years of democracy the material conditions of our have not fundamentally changed. The obvious answer is that the structures that produce and reproduces under-development, poverty and inequality have not been fundamentally tempered with.

We must spend time understanding the dynamics of the post-94 South African society and the current global capitalist order. Ultimately the point is to understand how to transform our society and the world. Capitalism is recovering from its worst crisis after the crash of the global financial markets. The crisis is a recurring theme in capitalism, albeit with different triggers and effects. Many of our people feel the outcome of this crisis through, unemployment, declining incomes and rising poverty and inequalities.

Marx was the first to point out that crisis is endemic to capitalism. Schumpeter called this ‘boom and bust’ process a ‘creative destruction’. Capitalist behave like a herd when they smell opportunity, others panic and the whole structure crumbles and start again. Kindleberger called his book ‘Manias, Panic and Crashes’ to describe this exuberant optimism and extreme pessimism especially in financial markets.

Therefore comrades, the task facing this congress is to deepen our understanding of the capitalist order in the South African, regional and global context. It must also articulate strategies to deepen the NDR in South Africa and build momentum for socialism. However this task will be incomplete if it does not encompass the region and the international order. COSATU congress challenged us to build a broad coalition of left forces at a national, regional and global level. It remains a sad irony that the left forces are fragmented and lack a common platform. We must heighten the ideological warfare to defend the correctness of our ideas. The left label has become a swear word and it is only through our effort and work that our people will respect us. Leaders of the new tendency together with un-reading and un-analytic sections of the media continue to create impression that the left is some problematic tendency hell bent on highjacking the ANC. The ANC is supposed to be a neutral player that is not itself left force. Soon that is if we do not expose and isolate this emerging tendency we may return to the days where there was a witch-hunt for so called leftists. As such comrades I plead with you that this congress should not be about leadership but about providing answers to these many challenges we face.

Soon, world leaders will gather in Copenhagen to discuss environmental challenges and how we should respond. We commend the South African government for the voluntary steps it has committed to. This proves that you should not be a superpower to provide leadership on issues facing humanity. It is very clear that this summit is going to be another missed opportunity as developed countries continue to duck their responsibility.

This in part reflects the fact that a global mass movement for environmental change is absent to put pressure on governments. We have allowed environmental issues to be the preserve of middle class when in fact it is the poor that are worst affected by environmental damage. This congress must go beyond blaming capitalism but develop clear proposal for a campaign on environmental change. In addition, it must articulate a vision of socialism that is ecologically sustainable. The experience of the Soviet Union proves that we cannot take the environment for granted.

I now turn to the most difficult part of my speech. If I had a choice I will skip this part and wish the congress well. I must confess comrades that this is the most difficult speech I have had to write. So much is at stake and the situation is very delicate. I am reminded by a saying that we expressed when facing difficulties in the Alliance. We used to say we are performing a ‘complicated egg dance’. I never thought I will face this moment so soon. As you all know, this congress must decide on the best formula to address the leadership question. I am not here to tell you what to do. Our movement was not built by skirting difficult and controversial issues.

As we engage in this debate we need to balance between two extremes. One extreme is to completely miss the opportunity now presented by the post Polokwane moment through some undefined militant abstention. COSATU has through its walking through the open doors project defined a clear strategy on how workers should ensure that they pick the gains themselves. We do not struggle so that others can be our rulers. We more than ever before are presented with an opportunity to deploy our leaders to key levers of power so that they can be in the forefront of the transformation project. We cannot abstain from this challenge nor we can afford to sub construct it to others. These victories belong to us. This changed political environment is as a result our efforts. We must walk through the open doors. We are therefore not an opposition grouping or an NGO that is not interested in state power. Those who are arguing abstinence must think again. Workers and the poor cannot just be happy to make all these sacrifices to achieve a more favourable balance of forces, and at the time when we need leaders of substance and conviction to navigate through this difficult terrain and help lead to the realisation of the goal of building a better life for all, then we step aside to get others to come through to lead us.

I feel that as the General Secretary of organised workers who are your trusted ally, I would have failed if I do not also make you to appreciate the other extreme to this debate. In whatever manner you resolve this debate; it cannot be that in the name of walking through the open doors we open a new race for all leaders of the SACP to want to be a mayor and minister.

I want you at this moment spare some moments to think again what you meant when you talked about the need to reconfigure the Alliance so that you can keep your leadership accountable to your ideals. Recall your discussions that informed the Medium Term Vision. Recall that you conned a historic slogan that continue to be a clarion call to all socialists – socialism is the future build it now.

In what ever way you resolve this discussion about leadership and the new environment that require that we walk through the open doors and pick the gains, please take the following into three consideration as your framework:

The SACP must not be subordinated to the ANC. We need carefully thought mechanism to ensure that the SACP has leaders that spend adequate time in Party building programmes. The challenges I have mapped above demands a strong, independent and fighting working class party, of course allied to the ANC and COSATU.

There has to be a clear link between whatever we conclude and the MTV and in particular to the clarion call – socialism is the future build it now. We must act ideologically and politically and not be seen to be acting opportunistically. We must occupy the space that has been opened to maximise the gains to deepen the NDR and build momentum for socialism. Ultimately, the success of this strategy is the extent to which it deepens the NDR and builds a momentum for socialism. Honestly, it will be a lost opportunity if all it achieves is the incorporation of the Party leadership into an untransformed situation without a clear ideology of how this links to our struggle to build socialism. In that case the leaders will simply serve as apologists of the status quo. In the past 15 years we have seen this happening. To be frank regrettably it was some of the leading communists who enthuastically push down the throats of the working class the neoliberal programmes championed by the 1996 class project.

The Party’s independence must be jealously guarded. The leadership must be held accountable. The state is massive monster. Our leaders can either lead the process of its transformation or they can be transformed by the state that still is essentially a capitalist in character and therefore a weapon of class rule. In the absence of strong mechanism to keep the leadership accountable and a fighting programme guiding the work of the party, we face a danger of making the party a weapon to provide jobs for its leaders in government.

Whatever solution this Congress arrives at we must remember that workers need a vanguard that earns its place by providing consistent leadership to society. You are our political insurance and please we have not come here so that we witness the process of a slow death of our party. We are here to contribute so that the party continues to be that political insurance to the workers.

I trust that you will rise up to the challenge and not give our enemies a chance to celebrate.

I wish the Congress a success.

The movement is gathering momentum

Thursday 10 December 2009

By Robert Griffiths

The eleventh annual meeting of the world’s communist and workers’ parties last month represented another step forward in the renewal of the international communist movement.

Financial and travel difficulties reduced the attendance in New Delhi from last year in Sao Paulo, Brazil, when more parties from Latin America were able to attend.

Moreover, on this occasion, delegates due to arrive from Russia, Peru and Palestine were refused visas.

Nonetheless, this year’s three-day event drew together representatives from 57 parties in 48 countries from every continent.

They included comrades from mass parties in Greece, Portugal, India, Russia and the Czech Republic, from those in power in Cuba, China, Laos, North Korea and Vietnam and from those in government in Brazil, Cyprus, Sri Lanka, Guyana, Nepal, Syria and South Africa.

Some of the delegates and parties forced to operate clandestinely in their own countries were not publicly identified. The main result of the meeting was the Delhi Declaration and associated decisions on joint activity for 2010.

The declaration characterised the international recession as a “systemic crisis of capitalism which demonstrates the need for its revolutionary overthrow,” condemning the imperialist powers and their international agencies for pursuing reactionary political and military solutions to the crisis.

The communist and workers’ parties pledged themselves to “rally and mobilise the widest possible popular forces in the struggle for full-time stable employment, exclusively public and free-for-all health, education and social welfare, against gender inequality and racism, and for protecting the rights of all sections of working people including the youth, women, migrant workers and those from ethnic and national minorities.”

Dismissing social-democratic calls for tighter regulation, “global governance” and the “humanisation of capitalism,” the Delhi Declaration insisted that socialism is the only real alternative to what it termed “imperialist globalisation.”

The world’s communists also decided to co-ordinate action in 2010 to oppose NATO, imperialist war and foreign military bases, celebrate the 65th anniversary of victory over fascism, intensify the campaign to free the Miami Five and observe November 29 as a worldwide day of solidarity with the Palestinian people.

From the centre of the crisis, US Communist Party vice-chairman Scott Marshall revealed that 200,000 jobs were still being destroyed every month in his country, even as bourgeois economists were proclaiming an end to the recession.

“Among young people in the US, the unemployed figures are staggering – in the 16-24 age group only about 45 per cent have jobs. And that number is much worse for African-American, Latino and other racially and nationally oppressed youth,” he added.

Contrary to the wholly negative assessments of other speakers, Marshall insisted that the Obama presidential victory had important positive features.

“After 30 years of vicious neoliberal attack on the labour movement, on the working class and people’s movements in the US, the election of Barack Obama opens the door for a whole new fight for economic justice, peace and equality,” he argued.

In particular, as a prominent trade union activist, he pointed to September’s AFL-CIO annual convention, which had elected a new leadership “more militant and more rooted in the fighting industrial trade union traditions of my country.”

The US equivalent of the TUC is calling for the break-up of banks “too big too fail,” opposing the Honduras coup and is using its unprecedented access to Obama to lobby against the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan.

Eddie Glackin of the Communist Party of Ireland reported on the victory of the political, business, media and trade union Establishment in the republic’s second referendum on the Lisbon constitutional treaty.

“The main front of the monopoly capitalist offensive in Europe is the growing concentration of power in the emerging imperialist superstate of the European Union,” he warned.

Mr Glackin, a former trade union official, regretted that the movement’s strength has been “sapped by decades of class collaboration and so-called social partnership.”

But he took heart from the fightback against Irish government cuts in public-sector pay, pensions and welfare benefits, which included the one-day general strike on November 24.

The British and Irish parties successfully amended the Delhi Declaration to strengthen its stance against racism and for rights for migrant workers.

Not even the world’s most dynamic economy has escaped the impact of capitalism’s recession.

However, Ai Ping from the Communist Party of China (CPC) outlined the Beijing government’s response including cutting tax and interest rates, relaxing monetary policy and launching a four trillion yuan (£352 billion) spending programme to “boost domestic demand and improve people’s livelihoods.”

This included improving access to social security, medical services, free education and affordable housing. Special measures were also being taken to increase farmers’ incomes, conserve energy and reduce carbon emissions.

As a result, China’s economy was growing at a rate of almost 8 per cent this year.

But even in the 60th anniversary year of its revolution, his country would remain in the “primary stage” of socialism for a long time, declared Mr Ping, director-general of the CPC international department.

Current political priorities included the development of “socialist democracy” and the “socialist legal system.”

“There are no references in the classic works of Marxism-Leninism on how to develop socialism within our special national conditions,” he pointed out. “The success of the Chinese communists in building a stronger China can not only help enrich and develop Marxism, but also encourage and inspire communists across the world to stick to socialism.”

Tripura state Chief Minister Manik Sarka feared that the Doha round of World Trade Organisation negotiations would be used by the Western powers to “prise open the markets of the developing world for the maximisation of profit.”

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) politburo member warned that imperialism “seeks to emerge from its current crisis by shifting the burden onto developing countries and the shoulders of the working class, peasantry and other toiling sections” of the world’s people. In India, the current crisis has already driven 184,000 impoverished small farmers to commit suicide.

Fresh from convening talks to break his country’s political deadlock, former deputy prime minister KP Sharma Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal (UM-L) hailed the “epoch-making transformation process” taking place there.

Since the “ultra-leftists’ had been persuaded to abandon their so-called “people’s war” in favour of mass campaigning and elections, the “people’s movement” had swept aside the monarchy. Now the new republic and its constituent assembly had to protect peace and national unity, while fostering socio-economic development, he insisted.

The Greek Communist Party (KKE), which initiated these international meetings 10 years ago, called for the intensification of the “ideological-political struggle” against right-wing and opportunist forces.

Giorgos Marinos attacked the European Left Party (from which the Hungarian communists have recently withdrawn), social democracy and bourgeois concepts of a “green economy” for seeking to conceal the fundamental contradictions of capitalism.

The KKE has brought together the theoretical journals of 11 parties to launch the International Communist Review online (www.iccr.gr) to challenge what they regard as reformist, social-democratic and revisionist ideas inside the international communist movement.

However, prestigious parties such as those in India, South Africa, Cuba, Portugal and Brazil are not involved in the initiative. Some parties have declined because they fear it could deepen divisions rather than strengthen unity on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.

Affiliation to the international meetings continues to grow. At Delhi it was agreed to admit the Workers Party of Bangladesh, although applications from a number of parties in the Maoist tradition were not accepted.

Next year’s meeting will be hosted by the South African Communist Party. What is needed between now and then is for communists and socialists to help galvanise resistance to the ruling-class offensive in their own countries, project an alternative programme of policies and strengthen the international co-ordination of communist and workers’ parties in organisation and action.

They must also rise to the challenge to the whole left thrown down by the Polish government, which since Delhi has banned the possession, purchase or distribution of “communist symbols” in any form.

Robert Griffiths is general secretary of the Communist Party of Britain and a regular contributor to 21stcenturymanifesto

Santa Karl

And now for something completely different

http://cartoons.captaincapitalism.com/NRC.html


How green is my Tory?

A thoughtful piece from Pete Shield of the well-informed Natural Choices site  looks at the prospects of a Green Conservative Government in 2010?

Remember the days of the Turbine Tories, with David Cameron’s rather useless wind turbine, and photo opportunities of a helmet wearing David riding through the streets of London? Zac Goldsmith, inheritor of The Ecologist working on a Green plan for the next Government? When the Conservatives hugged the oak tree of their logo? The closer they get to power the more distant those days seems argues Natural Choices editor Peter Shield

Green Tories have you all resigned? As the latest outburst from David Davis writing in The Independent timely reminds us, the snake can shed its skin but and the end of the day it remains a snake. 



“The fixation of the green movement with setting ever tougher targets is a policy destined to collapse. The ferocious determination to impose hair-shirt policies on the public – taxes on holiday flights, or covering our beautiful countryside with wind turbines that look like props from War of the Worlds – would cause a reaction in any democratic country.”

This is mild stuff compared to some of the views held by elected members of the Party, who may well be running the country next year.

Take Philip Davies, Tory MP for Shipley, also in The Indie: “I would like to see some proper cost-benefit analysis [at Copenhagen] on the impact on the economy, rather than this charge towards trying to be trendy and to please the environmental lobby. Everyone has gone completely mad on this.

“It has taken on the hallmarks of a religion rather than a policy issue. Anyone who says ’hang on a minute’ is completely decried and treated like a Holocaust denier,”

Of course the Conservative Party is not and has never been a monolith, a single ideological army marching to the beat set by Smith’s Square. Its strength has always been that it is many things to many people. A party of small business people defending the interests of small business people, a defender of the free market and pal to the big businesses that benefit from the illusion of a free market, a party with farmers at its heart, yet the Voice of the City. A force breaking open the last vestiges of the ineffective Welfare state to the efficiency of the market, and also defender of the little man against the mighty.

Indeed the power of the Conservative Party philosophy has been that it doesn’t one but many.

Back in the 80’s it was easy to see the Conservative Party as essentially split into two camps, the Wet aristocratic Conservative Party with it Christian Democratic welfare state paternalism, and the Dry neo-liberalist upstarts of the Thatchers and the wild eyed Josephs, strong on free market economics, family values, and law and order. Nowadays an equally simplistic analysis could split the party between the New Conservatives of the national team with their embracing of Green lite and the local constituencies with their much more ’traditional’ views on new fangled ideas such as the environment.

The current signs of unrest amongst the Party’s great and not so good should come as no surprise. David Cameron’s attempts at reforming almost feudal like structure has done little to unseat the parochial nature on constituency associations. Indeed local councillors and MPs are much more likely to reflect the actual views of their Party, and elements of their constituents, than the national leadership.

Anyone looking to see how Green the Blue grass roots have really become should look no further than the statistics on wind farm planning applications, and their denials. According to the British Wind Energy Association report, State of the Industry Report 2009, only 25% of wind farm planning applications were approved this year, down from 63% in 2007. The vast majority of those applications are refused by Conservative dominated councils.

Now of course this may be a tad unfair on the Conservatives, there are not too many applications to build wind farms in urban areas where Labour dominates. However take a conservationist inclined,and Conservative loaded , association such as the Campaign to Protect Rural England, despite its membership of the Stop Climate Chaos Coilition, the CPRE has never once actually supported a single wind farm application, and as George Monbiot shows in his interview with the CPRE’s CEO Shaun Spears, has equally never protested at a national level against applications for open cast mining. (See George Monbiot meets … Shaun Spiers)

This approach amply reflects the real values we are likely to see in the next Government, a national sustainable rhetoric and a Nimby-ist conservationism on the ground.

A skim reading of the national green policies of the Conservative Party Environmental and Climate Change policies (see Where we stand Climate and Energy) reads like an industry lead mantra, smart grids, well smart meters not smart grids which benefit the power companies more than the consumer or the environment, a nuclear consensus with Labour, industry funded home insulation, and the great voterless upsetting off shore wind and marine power expansion. Not of course that there is anything wrong with off shore wind power- particularly if you are a Conservative- most of the best off shore wind sites are around Scotland, hardly a Blue heartland.

There is a strong commitment to a decentralised and local power generation that runs through the proposed policies. On first glance there is much that an ecologist could agree with in the ideas about local generation, until you get to the point on how it will be funded, through local investors working alongside the traditional big six power companies. The same power companies that have been pulling out of wind due to the lack of support from, ahem, local Conservative dominated councils, the same companies pushing what they know best, large scale gas, nuclear and coal power stations plugged into the National Grid.

So what can we expect to see from the next Government, judging by their weak policy statements, the number of climate cynics on their back benches, and the actions of their local elected members the answer is not a lot. An industry lead energy policy is likely to look very like, well the system that the energy industry has delivered so far. We may not get a third runway for Heathrow, but then we will not see the huge tax breaks that the aviation industry get reduced either. If you want to catch a fast train, go to France or Spain.If I was working for the Sustainable Development Commission and a myriad of green orientated quangos I would start looking for a new job. Britain will tag along with the Climate policies set by Europe, along with lots of teeth grinding, and anti-Brussels rhetoric.

In fact the Conservatives will follow the flag, the Conservative one that is with a fuzzy green top and a traditional blue trunk.

Peter Shield

100 years old – The William Morris Hall

100 years old The William Morris Hall, Walthamstow E17

Centenary celebration this Sunday

William Morris Hall, Somers Road Walthamstow E17

2pm on Sunday 13.12.09

Local socialists and trade unionists will join The William Morris Ad Hoc Orchestra at the William Morris Hall to remember the story of the Hall and to call for preservation of local cultural history. Union banners, speakers and music will present a perfect photo/film opportunity.

The event is to celebrate the hall’s 100 years with words and music just as the pioneers who campaigned for a fairer, different world did with verse and song, as well as marches and struggle. We will celebrate the building, the Buck brothers and countless others, but most of all we will celebrate our past into the future.

Those celebrating will then join local cinema campaigners at the disused EDM cinema calling for the cinema to be preserved and a cultural centre in Walthamstow.

History

On 13 December 1909 artist and socialist Walter Crane opened the William Morris Hall: bringing to a joyous conclusion six years of fundraising, preparation and hard voluntary labour.

In 1903 the brothers Ben and Charles Buck started the idea of a home for the socialist, radical and trade union people of Walthamstow. Funded by workers buying a brick for 2d (old money), sponsored bike rides and social events, the collective organisations of the Social Democratic Federation, Walthamstow Socialist League, the William Morris Club, the Clarion Cyclists, the trades council, anarchists, suffragettes and many more, the hall was built by volunteer craftsmen on Sunday mornings on squatted land.

For 30 years The William Morris Hall was the centre of political and cultural life in the town. Amongst the many speakers who came over the years were: dock worker’s leader, Ben Tillet, the Countess of Warwick, H M Hyndman, Will Thorne, new Labour MP for West Ham South (1906), Sylvia Pankhurst, George Bernard Shaw, Victor Grayson, lion tamer, adventurer, folk hero, firebrand independent socialist MP and Walthamstow’s own Val McEntee. From day one it housed the Socialist Sunday School, where over a hundred children each week come together in secular fellowship to learn the socialist 10 commandments.

In the early 1920s the William Morris Brass Band and the William Morris Orchestra were formed. One for street marching and open air meetings, the other for concerts and dancing. The Hall had its own choir. In 1923 Charles Buck started a theatre group; performing plays by Ibsen and Shaw.

The building is a now home to the Limes Community and Children’s Centre. The inside has changed but most of the bricks are the same.

William Morris Hall event: Roger Huddle 07937 344 3030

roger.huddle@ntlworld.com

EDM Cinema contact

http://www.mcguffin.info/